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    Achieving Our Country : Leftist Thought in Twentieth-Century America
    by Richard Rorty
    Average Customer Review: 4.0 out of 5 stars
    Paperback (01 September, 1999)
    list price: $14.95 -- our price: $10.17
    (price subject to change: see help)
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    Editorial Review

    There are many shameful incidents in America's past: the institution of slavery, genocidal assaults on the indigenous peoples of this continent, the escalation of the Vietnam War, and so on. What should our response to such acts be? Should we regard the nation as irredeemably tainted by sin and spend our time cataloging its evils, or should we acknowledge its shortcomings and make a conscious effort to turn it into a better nation?

    Philosopher Richard Rorty believes that there is hope for America, but that today's Left is not meeting the challenge. He contrasts the cultural, academic Left's focus on our heritage of shame (which, he admits, has to the extent that it makes hatred intolerable had the positive effect of making America a more civil society) with the politically engaged reformist Left of the early part of this century. "The distinction between the old strategy and the new is important," he writes. "The choice between them makes the difference between what Todd Gitlin calls common dreams and what Arthur Schlesinger calls disuniting Americans. To take pride in being black or gay is an entirely reasonable response to the sadistic humiliation to which one has been subjected. But insofar as this pride prevents someone from also taking pride in being an American citizen, from thinking of his or her country as capable of reform, or from being able to join with straights or whites in reformist initiatives, it is a political disaster."

    Not everyone, to be sure, is going to agree with Rorty's ideas. But his approach to civic life, which is pragmatic in the tradition of John Dewey and visionary in the tradition of Walt Whitman, is bound to provoke increased discussion of what it is to be a citizen, and his call for a renewed awareness of the history of American reformist activism can only be applauded. ... Read more

    Reviews (20)

    5-0 out of 5 stars An important reminder of the true America.
    The pragmatist philosopher Richard Rorty is one of the best-known and most renowned academic philosophers of our time.In "Achieving Our Country," he turns his ever-penetrating gaze to the state of Leftist thought in American history, focusing on both the important gains Leftists made in our country in the past, and why the Left is moribund today.What results is a highly accessible, brilliant examination of what makes the Left the sustainer of hope in our modern era of quasi-Fascist brainwashing and chest-beating militarism.

    To Rorty, the modern Left has abandoned the dreams of Debs, Dewey, and DuBois in favor of scholastic "theorizing" and defeatist fatalism, as exemplified by the unlearned scholars who populate most of the nation's humanities departments.In exchange for any movement toward authentic social change, we are left instead with Foucault-reading pessimists, disillusioned by the aftermath of the Sixties and less interested in effecting actual progress than in "resisting" the system through barren exercises in jargon-laden "thought."This development over the last three decades, with its concomitant anti-Americanism, has made the Left largely impotent in the face of the well-organized, practical, and methodical assault from the Right.

    To remedy this, Rorty proposes an abandonment of pointless theory and instead an active, pragmatic, dedicated effort toward the realization of the true principles that have made America great: diversity, social justice, civil rights, and a movement toward actual equality rather than the social Darwinist "conservatism" which dominates our current political landscape.This is what the author means by "achieving our country." As someone who has spent considerable time in English departments, I wholeheartedly agree with Rorty that a transformation is necessary if the Left is not to decline into total oblivion in the near future.

    This is an important and insightful assessment of our culture and politics, and a superb primer for Leftist regeneration.

    5-0 out of 5 stars An invaluable reminder of the true America.
    The pragmatist philosopher Richard Rorty is one of the best-known and most renowned academic philosophers of our time.In "Achieving Our Country," he turns his ever-penetrating gaze to the state of Leftist thought in American history, focusing on both the important gains Leftists made in our country in the past, and why the Left is moribund today.What results is a highly accessible, brilliant examination of what makes the Left the sustainer of hope in our modern era of quasi-Fascist brainwashing and chest-beating militarism.

    To Rorty, the modern Left has abandoned the dreams of Debs, Dewey, and DuBois in favor of scholastic "theorizing" and defeatist fatalism, as exemplified by the unlearned scholars who populate most of the nation's humanities departments.In exchange for any movement toward authentic social change, we are left instead with Foucault-reading pessimists, disillusioned by the aftermath of the Sixties and less interested in effecting actual progress than in "resisting" the system through barren exercises in jargon-laden "thought."This development over the last three decades, with its concomitant anti-Americanism, has made the Left largely impotent in the face of the well-organized, practical, and methodical assault from the Right.

    To this, Rorty proposes an abandonment of pointless theory and instead an active, pragmatic, dedicated effort toward the realization of the true principles that have made America great: diversity, social justice, civil rights, and a movement toward actual equality rather than the social Darwinist "conservatism" which dominates our current political landscape.This is what the author means by "achieving our country." As someone who has spent considerable time in English departments, I wholeheartedly agree with Rorty that a transformation is necessary if the Left is not to decline into total oblivion in the near future.

    This is an important and insightful assessment of our culture and politics, and a superb primer for Leftist regeneration.

    5-0 out of 5 stars It's up to the Left to achieve our country
    In Achieving Our Country, Richard Rorty details the roots to leftist thought, exploring the dawning of the modern era and the pragmatic approach, the glorification of the American ideal and American story as one that would continue onward and upward, and the role of the intellectual Left to be the agent of hope and progress as opposed to maintaining the status quo.

    Unfortunately, events in the 1960's created a schism in the Left from which neither side have succeeded in counteracting a unified Right that sunk its claws into the haunches of America. It is up to the Left to coalesce once again into a unifying force to continue the American story and achieve the country.

    The loss of American pride is another key element.Rorty derives this from two modern thinkers, Walt Whitman and John Dewey, whose beliefs sharply contrasted with that of the finite, absolute, divine-centered beliefs of the Victorian pre-modernists.Whitman passionately exalted the more humanistic approach to truth and self-discovery caused by the floodgates opened by Darwin's theory of evolution.As a result, the divine standard to which men held to was replaced by secular humanism and humanistic standards.

    Both Dewey and Whitman saw "America" and "democracy" as synonymous with being "human." Dewey too placed "America" and "democracy" on a visionary scale. But where Whitman described the American way as "the last and greatest vision of the American potential," Dewey saw "democracy" and thus America's story as "a great word, whose history... remains unwritten, because that history has yet to be enacted".

    As a result, Rorty asserts that Dewey and Whitman would advocate American pride despite blacker moments in America's history such as the Vietnam War.This was why the Left lost its effectiveness in carrying out its intellectual role--its spectatorial preoccupation with sin.According to Rorty, a Dewey-Whitman counter to this indulgence in self-disgust would be that "there are many things that should chasten and temper such pride, but that nothing a nation has done should make it impossible to regain self-respect."

    Another group of thinkers Rorty drew upon was the "reformist Left," progressives who as champions of the downtrodden, strove to make political and social changes within a constitutional and democratic edifice.This reformist Left consists of two groups: the powerful, financially secure leftist elite launching top-down initiatives, (Upton Sinclair, Ida Tarbell, the Wagner Act) andthe second group, consisting of the financially insecure and disempowered "little man" and grass roots organizations (Marcus Garvey, the Montgomery bus boycott, and the Stonewall riots.) Rorty contends that the reinforcement of the bottom by the top was the glue holding the two groups until 1964, when the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution and the denial of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party at the Democratic Convention created a rift in the Left.

    The solution, according to Rorty, is a unification of the Lefts, as the Cultural Left is "unable to engage in national politics... [or] deal with the consequences of globalization." That is something the pre-Sixties left is able to do, i.e. "piecemeal reform within the framework of a market economy." Rorty also wants to wean the Cultural Left from addictions such as theorizing, philosophizing, abstract systems, and self-disgust. In its place, he proposes activism, concrete solutions, a focus on people and pressing issues, and national pride, the latter two which the grass roots conservatives used to push the Right in power. The job of this Brand New Left, a union of the reformist Left, Cultural Left, and in support of the little man, is to create a new ideology and hence a new utopia that will engage and mobilize a hitherto disillusioned populace into political participation waiting for specific solutions. The Brand New Left will be an intelligentsia practicing pragmatism.

    Proud as Dewey and Whitman are in their assertion of America, bowing to no other authority, not even God, I am disturbed by one application of their assertion. This statement corresponds with American unilateralism, the concept of the United States being above the auspices of the United Nations, whose vision is more inclusive and unbiased towards any one nation.

    I also agree, that yes, it is beneficial to be aware of the darker moments of American history, and to learn not to make the same mistake and move forward to what one would hope to be a better tomorrow. But what is the line between proper awareness and a prosaic, token, and trendy "awareness month" or "awareness week"? ... Read more

    Isbn: 0674003128
    Subjects:  1. History & Theory - Radical Thought    2. Movements - Pragmatism    3. Philosophy    4. Political    5. Politics - Current Events   


    $10.17

    All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the Abolition of Slavery
    by Henry Mayer
    Average Customer Review: 5.0 out of 5 stars
    Paperback (01 February, 2000)
    list price: $18.95
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    Editorial Review

    Born in poverty, and self-educated while working in a print shop, William Lloyd Garrison was one of the United States' greatest crusading editors, putting out a weekly anti-slavery newspaper, The Liberator, for 35 years, beginning in 1831. A product of the rough and tumble political journalism of the day, Garrison wrote with extreme passion and from an uncompromising point of view. Yet the man who emerges from the pages of All on Fire is a deeply thoughtful person who, despite barely escaping lynch mobs himself, had a great sense of humor and a very polite demeanor. Historians have tended to minimize Garrison's impact on America, and some consider him a fringe character. But Henry Meyer, in this hefty biography, places Garrison at the center of his century, noting that Garrison's thought and tactics influenced not only the country's changing view of slavery, but also inspired the incipient feminist movement. The Lincoln administration noted Garrison's influence by inviting him to help raise the flag over the recaptured Fort Sumter. All on Fire goes into great detail on Garrison's life and work, providing the close and copious examination this activist's life fully deserves. --Robert McNamara ... Read more

    Reviews (25)

    5-0 out of 5 stars Both sides to the story
    Now a book that shows two sides of slavery that all white people were not all for slavery .Like Dr.martin luther king was saying that slavery was not about black against white ,but justice againt injustice.Because if all men and women are not free then we are all in chains.Books like this one has giving us a balance look at one of america darkest sides. But men like Garrison showed us that their were men and women that were a light of hope that all men are created equal . Andbeing a black man I must say thank you to all the blackmen and women and white men and women of the past for fighting a fight that many of us still fight for today .And that is for an opportunity to live as we were when God created us in the beginnig as, a human being thank you.

    4-0 out of 5 stars A biography long over-due
    William Lloyd Garrison was a man ahead of his time.Not by years or even decades, but centuries.In the 1830s he was an outspoken proponent of not just the abolition of slavery (many advocated various ways to deal with the South's "peculiar institution"), but called for the immediate abolition of slavery with complete and full civil rights for African-Americans.He dreamed of a time when a black woman might succeed a black man as Secretary of State a decade before the Supreme Court ruled that blacks were something less than human in the infamous Dredd Scott decision.He was also an early advocate of women's rights, labor reform, temperance and civil disobedience, as well as an outspoken critic of organized religion (Garrison was what we might today call a fundamentalist "born again Christian" who recognized no formal church other than Christ's teachings).

    Given Garrison's role as founding father of the abolitionist movement, his passion for the cause, longevity in leadership and terminal impact on the greatest political issue of the nineteenth century it is puzzling that he has left such an obscure historical legacy.As author Herbert Mayer notes, Martin Luther King Jr. cited Gandhi, Thoreau and the Gospel as his inspiration and motivation in the Civil Rights movement with no reference to the man whose peaceful agitation did more to eradicate bondage than any other -- and who in turn may very well have been Thoreau's inspiration in writing "Civil Disobedience."

    So why the obscurity?Mayer's biography does little to address this paradox.In fact, his book makes Garrison's general absence from the mainstream of American history all the more tenebrous.The man that emerges from the pages of "All on Fire" is a moral giant, a crusader in the purest and best sense of the word, who risked -- indeed, welcomed -- verbal and physical abuse, a life of indigence and scorn, all in pursuit of a truly noble cause.Garrison grew up in New England and never traveled further south than Baltimore until after the Civil War, yet he dedicated his life to the abolition of slavery with an intensity and zeal that surpassed dissident southern whites (such as the Grimke sisters) and even some blacks that had escaped from bondage themselves. Because of his central role in establishing and leading the cause, "All on Fire" is, as the full title suggests, as much a history of the entire abolitionist movement as it is a biography of its leading agitator.

    However, a close reading of "All on Fire" also reveals a hidden side of William Lloyd Garrison that Mayer, unfortunately, never fully explores: a man of extreme ambition, vanity, and conceit.Garrison fought tenaciously to keep himself at the front-and-center of the moral movement he came to regard as his own.One senses that the fame and notoriety he gained by his agitation came to mean quite a lot to him.In this sense, Garrison reminds one of a contemporary political gadfly increasingly enamored of his high-profile image: Michael Moore.Perhaps Garrison's attraction to celebrity never fully outweighed his commitment to the ultimate prize of freeing three million humans from bondage, but it certainly meant more than the pious Christian in him would have liked to admit -- and certainly more than biographer Mayer is willing to concede.Again and again throughout the narrative Garrison experiences a painful and personal falling out with some of his closest friends and coadjutors: Frederick Douglas, Wendell Phillips, the Tappan brothers, etc.And time after time Mayer attributes the rift to simple misunderstandings or the result of the stress and pressure of the times.That Garrison might have been something less than the Galahad on ante-bellum America is left unexplored.

    Nevertheless, for anyone with a desire to know more about America and especially to learn about a man that was once one of the most controversial and well-known figures of his century, only to sink to near anonymity, this National Book Award finalist can be highly recommended.

    4-0 out of 5 stars Are you a Southerner? Because Garrison hates you
    Let's just get the obvious criticisms out of they way. First, the author pretty much flat out states that The Civil War was fought only because of slavery--and in the preface! Yawn. Will I ever be able to find a Northerner who can write a book that examines both sides of the conflict? I mean southern writers do it all the time. The second problem is the assertion that the Texas Revolution was some kind of government conspiracy--from Pres. Jackson on down to Sam Houston--to perpetuate slavery and continue manifest destiny. While I'm sure some men fought for those reasons, this moronic conspiracy theory about secret government shenanigans has no basis whatsoever. In fact, I would recommend the wonderful biography, Sam Houston, by James Haley. It expertly destroys that awful line of thinking that has somehow survived all these years.

    But, being from Texas, I tend to be sensitive to such things. For most people it won't matter.

    I still highley recommend All On Fire, though. It is very well written and researched. But most of all, it is the only real biography on Garrison worth reading. And say what you want about the author's biases, he can't muddle the fact that Garrison was one of this country's great patriots, willing to stand up to anyone to free his fellow man. He dedicated his entire life to this noble cause--and except for a few references in some Civil War books--is largely forgotten. What a shame. ... Read more

    Isbn: 0312253672
    Subjects:  1. Biography / Autobiography    2. Historical - General    3. Historical - U.S.    4. History    5. History: American    6. Slavery    7. United States - 19th Century    8. United States - Civil War   


    The Soul of Battle : From Ancient Times to the Present Day, How Three Great Liberators VanquishedTyranny
    by Victor Davis Hanson
    Average Customer Review: 4.0 out of 5 stars
    Paperback (17 April, 2001)
    list price: $16.00 -- our price: $10.88
    (price subject to change: see help)
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    Editorial Review

    On first glance, The Soul of Battle appears to be three different books: biographies of two well-known generals--Sherman and Patton--and one who is virtually unknown today, the ancient Greek leader Epaminondas. YetVictor Davis Hanson, a classics professor and author of The Western Way of War, makes a compelling connection between these three men. They were "eccentrics, considered unbalanced or worse by their own superiors" who led democratic armies on missions of freedom. Epaminondas crushed Sparta's military dominance of Greece in a single winter, Sherman delivered a deathblow to the slaveholding South in the U.S. Civil War, and Patton was the general most feared by his Nazi enemies in the Second World War. Hanson disputes the conventional notion that soldiers fight only for their buddies, rather than abstract ideals. He writes: "Theban hoplites, Union troops, and American GIs were ideological armies foremost, composed of citizen-soldiers who burst into their enemies' heartland because they believed it was a just and very necessary thing to do. The commanders who led them encouraged that ethical zeal, made them believe there was a real moral difference" between what they and their opponents stood for. Epaminondas, Sherman, and Patton each became extremely controversial for his success, but Hanson argues persuasively that their efforts demonstrate "that on rare occasions throughout the ages there can be a soul, not merely a spirit, in the way men battle." With this idiosyncratic approach, Hanson makes a unique contribution to our understanding of not only these three men and their troops, but also the role of the military in a democratic society. --John J. Miller ... Read more

    Reviews (50)

    4-0 out of 5 stars Another triumph by Hanson
    I must admit feeling a little guilty writing this review, as I have only read the sections on Epaminondas and Patton as of this time. Give me a little slack: it's tough to a native Georgian to read about Sherman with an open mind. That being said, on to the book.

    I love it. Hanson's use of imagery is superb, his explanation of philosophies behind tactics flawless, and his ability to drive home a point is enviable.

    The first section of the book concerns Epaminondas and the war to free the Spartan Helots. At times I could feel the heat of the plains of Boeotia while reading this section. While I am not a student of Greek history, Hanson made me realise I didn't know as much as I thought I did. The explanations of tactics used and their roots in Pythagorean philosophy makes perfect sense (and backs up Robert Heinlein's claim that mathematics really is the root of all strategy).

    As I said before, I skipped the second section, which concerns Sherman's March to the Sea and the freeing of African slaves during the War Between the States. However, after reading the other two sections, I'll have to give it a look. Hanson is really that good of a writer.

    The section on Patton was fascinating to me. I knew a little from reading WW2 histories (ok, ok...I also watched the movie PATTON with George C. Scott), but Hanson goes into further detail. After reading this section one has to wonder if Patton really could have ended the war in 1944 if he had been given free reign. (Read this and make your own conclusion)

    The price on Hanson's books seem to be coming down, so this may be a great time to catch up on some reading. At any rate, I highly recommend this one.

    1-0 out of 5 stars A Classical Coward?
    Why it is or how is that a former tree farmer who never seems to have served in the military can celebrate the "bravery" and nobility of men whose main contribution to civilization seems to be blowing someone's eyballs out? Hanson is a Fascist--there is no doubt about that. What did Mussolini celebrate in his 10 Commandments of Fascism: violence, obedience, action, bloodshed, and liberation from the weak, allegedly effeminate forces of liberalism, socialism, and pacifism. If someone talks like a fascist he is a fascist, even if he's also a tree farmer? Ah, the nobility of the soil! Oh, wasn't that part of fascist mythology too?

    This man is a classic fraud! And he books reek of blood (and soil). Sorry, I just can't get those like sounding ideas out of my perception. One difference, though, reports are that Hitler could not stand the sight of blood. Mr. Hanson glories in it!

    5-0 out of 5 stars Great Character study of battle
    VDH presents three great Generals and gives an excellent contrast of not only their character but the men who fought with them. The whole book compares the idea of free men freeing the unfree. I have read numerous accounts of Patton, and none quite develed into the character of the man. I always knew the giant that Patton was but never how much he was hated by his comrades in the highest levels of the military. He was exactly what they were not, brave, fearless and daring. He knew how to win and what it took to get there. He did not care about making friends he wanted total victory. VDH here spins the "great" generals Ike and Bradley much too cautious to have win. I really see his point
    Sherman is the same way, though vilified in the south, and underscored by Grant Sherman may be THE reason why the North won. He conquered vasts amount of territory with relatively little casualites. Though generals like Lee and Longstreet were on the losing side and are idolized by many historians, VDH presents it differently here.
    Epaminondas was one I never heard of but appreciated his character and leadership decisions. He was an interesting addition to this book and is amazing how similar in character they all are.
    An excellent read if you want good character studies into the mindset of a warrior or want to view key wars in a different light.
    VDH makes his point and makes it well.
    ... Read more

    Isbn: 0385720599
    Subjects:  1. Epaminondas,    2. History    3. History - General History    4. History: World    5. Military - General    6. Military history    7. Military leadership    8. Motivation (Psychology)    9. Sherman, William T    10. b. ca. 420 B.C    11. Epaminondas    12. History / Military / General    13. Patton, George S   


    $10.88

    I Married a Communist
    by PHILIP ROTH
    Average Customer Review: 3.5 out of 5 stars
    Paperback (26 October, 1999)
    list price: $14.00 -- our price: $11.20
    (price subject to change: see help)
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    Editorial Review

    Iron Rinn (né Ira Ringold) is a self-educated radio actor, married toa spoilt, rags-to-riches beauty, silent-film star Eve Frame (née Chave Fromkin).He is a Communist, and a "sucker for suffering," locked into the cycle of violence from which he has emerged. She has risen by assiduous imitation of what is "classy"--which seems to include a wide swathe of anti-Semitism--and ultimately denounces her husband as a Soviet spook. And who would be the narrator of this McCarthy-era meltdown? None other than Philip Roth's longtime alter ego, Nathan Zuckerman, who learns the full tragedy several decades later, owing to a chance encounter with Ira's brother: "I'm the only person living who knows Ira's story," 90-year-old Murray Ringold tells Nathan, "you're the only person still living who cares about it."

    Characteristically, Nathan also discovers that his own story was bound up with the blacklistings and ruined careers of the immediate postwar period. It seems that he had been tainted by his association with the Ringolds--Murray was in fact his high-school teacher--and was denied the Fulbright scholarship he deserved. "They had you down for Ira's nephew," Murray tells Nathan. "The FBI didn't always get everything right." Roth's acerbic style and keen eye for emotional detail goes to the heart of this moment of high tragedy in which the American dream was damaged beyond repair.--Lisa Jardine ... Read more

    Reviews (41)

    5-0 out of 5 stars I would give it six stars if I could
    This is writing at its best. Philip Roth masterfully encapsulates a human aspect of a very dark period of American history, the finger-pointing era of McCarthyism and Red-baiting in the 1950's, where lives were destroyed and careers were made (those of right-wing politicians). This is a brilliant story but also one with a great deal of heart and emotion, as we witness the destruction of a flawed but passionate life, Ira Ringold, but perhaps more poignantly, the quiet but fierce anger of his older brother, English teacher Murray, as he revisits that period.

    Murray is the real hero here, a story which takes place in his recounting in 1997 to Nathan Zuckerman (a one time protege of both Ira and Murray, and now himself in his mid-sixties), of the period in which their lives were irreparably changed.

    What is, is. Ira was a communist. Murray was not, although his left-wing political beliefs are no secret. These labels do not matter, despite the "meaning" that they had attached to them at the relevant time. Roth masterfully reveals the heart of the story in pieces, so that our allegiances move from the obvious object of our fascination, Ira, to Murray. Would that society was filled with people as lucid and passionate as Murray at ninety years old, so clear-headed about his brother's mistakes, and so self-effacing in his recounting of them. So uncompromising in his honesty and right in his convictions. Yet even he has a tendency to rue his choices, for example having taught literature for ten thankless years in an inner city school and then having his wife gunned down in their neighborhood during their latter years.

    I was both moved and provoked by this story. It is surely one of the best I have ever read. While I may have to admit that those of us who are oriented towards the political left will probably find the most fulfilment in its reading, this book is pure magic and you will be richly rewarded by it if you persist through its difficulties of language and development. Do not deprive yourself of this literary treat.

    5-0 out of 5 stars Nevertheless, something is missing....
    I became a Roth fan when I read _The Human Stain_ a couple of months ago, and I have no reason to alter my judgment after having read "I married a communist". Only, I believe that, when Human Stain was High Tragedy through and through, as Roth takes his "hero"'s Coleman Solk's predicament very seriously, in "I married..." he tends to treat his anti-hero Ira Ringold's plight, this time, with an almost impreceptible farcical streak, a kind of lack of empathy that makes Roth's alter ego Zuckermann behave somewhat as a moralist aggrieved at the sinful humanity and its illusions. Of course, Ira is the kind of Stalinist windbag stalwart parading as a man of steel but also chasing at high bourgeois females, etc., etc.,that was regretfully far too common during the 1950s (and not only in the US) but then, his illusions (or should I say delusions?) are the delusions of many a leftist in his timeframe, and Roth's/Zuckerman's judgamental stance towards him does little in the way of making himself credible or, above all, understanable - an stance a serious writer should take towards _all_ his characters. Sometimes we have too much of Roth the accomplished aesthete passing judment of Mankind's political follies, and far too little of the narrator who takes as his point of departure Nietzsche's "Human, all too Human" tag.

    5-0 out of 5 stars A petty betrayal
    This was my introduction to Philip Roth and it has made me (virtually overnight for I read the book in 2 nights) a Roth fan.For this is at once a book about McCarthyism, family, and memory.But perhaps most of all, it is about the human capacity to remember and to betray each other; a capacity undiminished with time.As Roth points out "The master story situation in the Bible is betrayal.Adam-betrayed.Esau-betrayed.The Schechemites-betrayed.Judah-betrayed.Joseph-betrayed.Moses-betrayed.Samson-betrayed.Samuel-betrayed.David-betrayed.Uriah-betrayed.Job-betrayed.Job betrayed by whom?By none other than God himself.And forget the betrayal of God.God betrayed by our ancestors at every turn.' (p. 185)

    And every character in this book is also betrayed.Nathan is betrayed.Nathan's father is betrayed.Ira is betrayed.Murray is betrayed.Eve is betrayed.Dorris is betrayed.All of them are betrayed by themselves and by America.An America they believe in; an America that never ceases to disappoint them for not living up to her potential.

    But finally too America is betrayed.America is betrayed by Richard Nixon, the man who as much as McCarthy was responsible for McCarthyism and who it turns out, was no better than a common crook.A petty common thief.

    And that perhaps is the moral (if there is one) of this story.For the betrayals, all of them are petty.They are petty because "people give up too easily and fake their feelings.They want to have feelings right away, and so `shocked' and `moved' are the easiest.The stupidest" (p. 219).People want to be good; they want to be right; they want to be caring.But being good, and right and caring involves a great deal of emotional and mental energy.It involves work and it involves overcoming of prejudices.Most people are not prepared to put in that kind of effort-nor do they want to.How much easier to unthinkingly mouth the words Nixon and McCarthy put into your mouth?For McCarthyism was the political correctness of the 1950s and if you simply said you hated the Reds or communists or whatever it was you were supposed to hate, people would say you were good.And who knows?Perhaps, like Eva, you might even have believed them.

    And then you would have been betrayed.By McCarthyism, by yourself.A petty betrayal of your own making.


    ... Read more

    Isbn: 0375707212
    Subjects:  1. Fiction    2. Fiction - General    3. General    4. Literary    5. Roth, Philip - Prose & Criticism    6. Fiction / Literary    7. Reading Group Guide   


    $11.20

    The Orwell Reader: Fiction, Essays, and Reportage
    by George Orwell
    Average Customer Review: 4.0 out of 5 stars
    Paperback (01 June, 1961)
    list price: $17.00 -- our price: $11.56
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    Reviews (3)

    3-0 out of 5 stars The originals in their entirety are more appropriate for him
    I was disappointed with this compendium of the grand writer's work.I consider Animal Farm a great treatise on the ills of communism from both a generic and specific point of view, and was hoping for many similar insights.Communism's socialst critic writes penetrating stories and clear analogies, so I was hoping for the best.

    Shooting and Elephant was a cutting view into the life of colonial police in India.Indeed, that type of insight into human behavior and how people's behavior breaks down in groups is what makes Orwell strong.

    Unfortunately, there are many more situations where sections were cut out of books (yes, it's a reader, I should've know that before I purchased) where the original in it's entirety captured the points much more completely.It's hard to encapsulate a great work like 1984 with an excerpt.

    While Orwell is indeed a great author, I was disappointed by the disjointed nature of the collection.His writing remains best captured in their original full length form.

    5-0 out of 5 stars Correction to previous post
    Er, actually Orwell did fight on the Republican side in the Spanish Civil War . Franco was fighting against them as a Monarchist/Catholic/Fascist. Just thought I should clear that up.

    4-0 out of 5 stars Material not normally found
    Bad point: according to be back of the book Orwell fought on the side of Franco (republicans) during the Spanish civil war, which he didn't it was poum and there were not on Franco's side. which is quite humourous - isthis a Russian counter propaganda myth being given credibility?

    Thehanging, how the poor die, England your England are a few of the pieceshere that complete my Orwell literature shelf

    Not sure why there areparts of his Novels in this book, but assuming the cover text it may be ofsome help to the next writer for the back cover, but it might be of use ifyou are too lazy to read his books, and write covers describing his work. ... Read more

    Isbn: 0156701766
    Sales Rank: 183335
    Subjects:  1. English, Irish, Scottish, Welsh    2. Essays    3. Literature - Classics / Criticism    4. Literature: Classics   


    $11.56

    Thurgood Marshall : American Revolutionary
    by JUAN WILLIAMS
    Average Customer Review: 4.0 out of 5 stars
    Paperback (01 February, 2000)
    list price: $16.00 -- our price: $11.20
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    Editorial Review

    Washington Post correspondent and TV commentator Juan Williams has produced an illuminating look at a true giant of 20th-century American politics. Williams retells the story of Thurgood Marshall's successful desegregation of public schools in the U.S. with his victory in the case of Brown v. Board of Education, followed by his appointment to the Supreme Court in 1967 for a 24-year term. But he also recounts how W.E.B.Du Bois, then the head of the NAACP, gave a cold shoulder to the younger Marshall (who eventually helped oust Du Bois from the organization), and describes the tug of war between Marshall and FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, as well as the mind games Lyndon Johnson played on Marshall before nominating him for the Supreme Court. Readers also learn about Marshall's relationship with his replacement, Clarence Thomas, which was surprisingly civil given their contrary views on affirmative action. Williams has captured many examples of Thurgood Marshall's heroism and humanity in this comprehensive yet readable biography of a complex, combative, and courageous civil rights figure. --Eugene Holley Jr. ... Read more

    Reviews (13)

    4-0 out of 5 stars Interesting and Infomative Read
    As a white man from the deep south, it boggles my mind how a totally free republic could twist the best Constitution ever written to deny a class of people their freedom.Civil right, the Vietnam war, the 1960's in general fascinate me.

    Mr. Williams book is particularly good at setting up how Justice Marshall came to his way of thinking.He learned early on how to play the game in the other man's (whites) territory.If you want to know how hard it was to operate during these times, with the threats and bigotry, I suggest this book.I think it is paramount for the younger people in today's society to understand the severity of the risk and opposition that people like Justice Marshall had to deal with.I think it would make them realize that even though progress still needs to be made, these individuals put their lives on the line to advance society to where it is today.

    4-0 out of 5 stars An Illuminating Read about an Imporant Historical Figure
    Juan Williams' biography of Thurgood Marshall is a worthwhile read.Williams has a great sense of the dramatic story in this man's life and he firmly sets him in the historical context of a nation in turmoil.I went away from this book with a better understanding of Marshall's life, personality and importance in American History.Williams also does a very good job with contrasting Marshall's social and political opinions with those of civil rights leaders in the 60s and 70s, with whom he occasionally butted heads.Williams paints him as the feisty individual that he was but he also does not sugar coat his flaws and mistakes.For me, the most interesting aspects of the autobiography were the accounts of Marshall's trials and travels with the NAACP Legal Defense Fund and his inexhaustible energy to confront the laws of the times.If you have any interest in learning about this man and his place both in history and in the Civil Rights Movement, defintely pick up this worthwhile book.

    2-0 out of 5 stars Very tedious, superficial
    Maybe its unfair that I read this book after reading the spectacular autobiography of John Lewis, Walking in the Wind.However, I found that this book was too detached from the man.I did not come away from this book with a better understanding of this man than I did before hand.Thurgood Marshall is one of the most important people of 20th century America but you don't see why in this book.

    The major problem with this book is its writing style which makes reading this book tedious.I found myself bored by page 200.Also, I believe the Brown decision is given 20 pages and his solcitor general appointment is given more.

    If you want to learn more about this guy, study the cases of the era.Sweatt v. painter, Brown of course, etc.Marshall's personal life really is irrelevant towards understanding this man's accomplishments.I would not recommend this book. ... Read more

    Isbn: 0812932994
    Subjects:  1. Biography    2. Biography & Autobiography    3. Biography / Autobiography    4. Biography/Autobiography    5. Civil rights workers    6. Historical - U.S.    7. Judges    8. Lawyers & Judges    9. People of Color    10. United States    11. Biography & Autobiography / Lawyers & Judges   


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